Across the United States boys now trail girls on almost every rung of the education ladder—from kindergarten readiness through college completion. The gap is widest for Black boys and Latino boys and for those growing up in low-income districts. In the mid-2000s, the U.S. Department of Education loosened Title IX regulations to permit voluntary, gender-separate school options.
Two decades later it is time to ask: Has the experiment paid off?
AIBM commissioned a report from Nina Hankins, a recent graduate of the Goldman School of Public Policy, on the state of single-sex schooling that combined a systematic review of largely post-2014 research on single-sex schooling with fresh analysis of enrollment trends; semi-structured interviews with fourteen practitioners, researchers, and organizational leaders focused on single-sex schooling; brief case studies of high-performing single-sex schools; and a scan of the current Title IX policy landscape. Here we present our summary of its findings. See the full report here.
Until a few decades ago, single-sex schooling was restricted to the private sector. Only two public single-sex schools operated in 1995, but following a change in the law in 2006, the number rose. While data on intervening years is spotty, by 2016 the count had increased to 121 (63 for girls and 58 for boys). Since that date, the number of all-boys campuses has fallen slightly, from 58 to 45. Single-sex schools still account for only a tiny fraction of the more than 99,000 public schools nationwide.
Figure 1
Data noteThe estimate of fully single‑sex public schools in 2022 was based on male and female enrollment data from the Civil Rights Data Collection (CRDC) after removing juvenile‑justice, alternative, and virtual campuses. The list of remaining schools was checked against NCES data to confirm it was (a) still operating, (b) genuinely single‑sex, and (c) not a special‑purpose or very small rural school with coincidental one‑gender enrollment.
2016-2021 data was calculated based on the Feminist Majority Foundation’s criteria which also reproduced the 2022 count exactly.
1995 data was based on media reports cited in Vanze (2010), though other sources claim three single-sex schools at this time.
All-girls schools now represent a majority (56%) of public single-sex schools with the change driven more by the closure of all-boys institutions rather than growth in girls’ schools.
These single-sex public schools are much more likely to be educated students of color: eight out of ten students are Black or Latino. They are also quite likely to be charters: around two-fifths of the campuses operate under charter or magnet rules that grant unusual freedom over staffing, scheduling, and culture.
Despite the growth in public single-sex schools, the vast majority of single-sex schools are still private. As of 2020, approximately 793 (2.6%) of the estimated 30,492 private schools in the United States are all-boys schools and 640 (2.1%) are all-girls schools, according to the NCES.
Several common themes emerged from conversations with both practitioners and academics. Both groups highlighted several school-wide factors as important ingredients for student success, though interviewees diverged on how best to provide them. Some thought that co-ed settings could accomplish this, while others, including many of those working inside all-boys schools, saw single-sex schooling as a uniquely effective way to deliver them.
Key takeaways included:
These ideas are obviously not the exclusive preserve of all-boys schools. Co-ed schools could potentially capture the gains seen in strong boys’ programs by embedding structured relationship time (advising, mentoring), identity-reflection rituals, and active learning. Doing so with the same fidelity as a dedicated all-boys school may be a challenge, however. In particular, deliberately allocating blocks of time to mentoring or sustained staff training on male developmental needs requires administrative buy-in and can be easily squeezed out by conventional academic priorities.
While the research base has matured somewhat since the early-2000s, there is a stark absence of methodologically strong research on single-sex schools in the United States since 2006. (There is some on single-sex classrooms). The only studies that either randomize admission or apply rigorous controls for self-selection are from other countries.
They tend to find only small differences in boys’ mathematics or literacy performance between single-sex and coeducational settings. To highlight a few of the more rigorous and more recent studies:
While the individual studies are often highly heterogeneous (pointing to the importance of some contextual factors, like age), the aggregate positive effects, where they exist, are relatively small compared to other interventions and compared to the size of some current academic gaps between boys and girls.
Figure 2
Data noteHow to read the benchmark points in the figure
An effect size reports how far an intervention shifts outcomes in fractions of a standard-deviation—so each 0.20 SD roughly raises a student from the 50th to the 58th percentile, while a 0.50 SD improvement would move that same student to about the 69th percentile. Each estimate comes from a published meta-analysis or large‐scale dataset.
However, academic scores are only part of the story. Behavioral outcomes—attendance, effort, disciplinary records—also matter for long-run success, especially for disadvantaged boys. Here the data is cautiously encouraging:
The evidence here is limited, but it does suggest that single-sex schools with structured environments and positive student-teacher dynamics can mitigate some of the behavioral risks that derail boys.
Taken as a whole, even with many decades worth of studies, large blind-spots remain:
Single-sex education is neither a panacea nor a relic. At its best it bundles proven ingredients like strong mentoring, purposeful rituals, and experiential learning into a format that helps boys succeed and which could potentially be implemented in co-ed settings. However, because the most credible studies are international, we still lack rigorous evidence on U.S. public boys’ schools that might help us understand the unique context in which they operate. We need rigorous (experimental, quasi-experimental, lottery-based) U.S.-centered studies to learn which students truly benefit from single-sex models, and we need to better understand the potential benefits beyond academics.
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